Finally, the process of decolonization was not the outcome of colonial wars of independence, in which the periphery rebelled against the metropole; rather, it was the result of the weakening and, later the defeat, of Fascism. For all these reasons, the case of Italy—as a national paradigm rarely understood within a postcolonial framework—also compels us to evaluate postcolonialism under a new light. This volume addresses the Italian postcolonial condition as one of the main factors that affects lives and shapes cultures in contemporary Italy.
In particular, it identifies the common, postcolonial context in which a wide array of discourses, social practices, and cultural production are finding expression in contemporary Italy.
As a condition that exceeds national borders, the Italian postcolonial, we argue, situates itself not in relation to the British and French histories of empire, in which the migratory fluxes were almost exclusively coming from previous colo- nies, but rather to the post-Cold War reconfiguration of Europe and its emerg- ing postcolonialities see Ponzanesi in this volume.
In the Italian context, the term is beginning to be employed to explore the historical continuum and cultural genealogy that link the colonial past to contemporary Italy.
In this sense, our volume adopts the term in order to reposition colonial history and its legacy at the center of the debate on contempo- rary Italy. Additionally, by incorporating emigration, the Southern Question, and immigration as phenomena closely intertwined with the postcolonial condition, the volume moves beyond the national and colonial context.
Colonialism, the South, and Emigration The volume is loosely structured along two axes, one temporal and the other spa- tial, which stress continuity and proximity. Between and , approximately 26 million Italians left their nation, thus establishing a record for international migration Choate, Emigrant Nation , note 1. The fact that emigration became a mass phenomenon in Italy s soon after Unification —70 , and that a decade later Italy started acquiring coastal territories on the Red Sea soon to become the first Italian formal colony of Eritrea , underlines the transnational nature of the newly unified nation-state, a state that found a sense of national identity and culture while projecting itself far beyond its territorial borders.
Since the turn of the new millennium, migration studies with regard to Italy have focused on the continuity existing between international and intranational migrations Gabaccia; Gaspari as well as transoceanic and trans-Mediterranean migrations.
Such a position high- lights the transhistorical and geographically expansive nature of postcoloniality in the Italian context.
More importantly for postcolonial scholars, Gramsci also under- stood that the antislavery, anticolonial struggles were a necessary condition for achieving the political maturity needed for any liberation Srivastava and Bhat- tacharya.
This is evident in the uneven formation of its history as a postcolonial country. In the postwar period, while other former imperial nations in Europe were receiving immigration flows from their previously colonized territories, Italy was still an emigrant country sending its own citizens abroad to Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, with the support of bilateral agreements.
Southern Italians who migrated to other European coun- tries were part of a process of labor recruitment across the Mediterranean basin of large numbers of industrial workers from Southern Europe, Turkey, Morocco, and Yugoslavia.
This recruitment was not always linked to postcolonial ties. As guest workers, they received temporary visas and some form of social protection.
Uneven Decolonization Unlike Britain, France, and the Netherlands, Italy did not experience large-scale spontaneous immigration from its former colonies after decolonization. In the United Kingdom, the population of New Commonwealth origin increased rapidly after , reaching 1.
By there were more than , Algerians, , Moroccans, and 90, Tunisians in France. The Netherlands had two main inflows from former colonies. Between and the early s, immigrants arrived from the former Dutch East Indies now Indo- nesia , and after , increasing numbers of immigrants came to the Netherlands from the Caribbean Suriname. Most of these colonial migrants arrived in Europe as citizens of the former colonizing nations Castles and Miller. In Italy, by contrast, no major influx of migrants came from the ex-colonies, apart from the sporadic arrival of young Ethiopian intellectuals and Somali stu- dents sent to receive their university education in Europe as part of their forma- tion as the new elite class in their home countries Del Boca, Nostalgia 77— Italy was confronted with the question of how to engage with its ex-colonies as early as , and by the end of World War II, the official Italian position was in favor of maintaining control over all the colonies acquired before Fascism, with varying degrees of sovereignty, while obtaining a protectorate in Somalia.
The protection of Italianized sectors of the Somali economy, such as banana cropping, was of crucial importance to the activities of the AFIS Tripodi. The anti-Italian position of the Somali Youth League SYL during the early years of the AFIS was a direct consequence of the colonial period, when Somalis were prevented from actively participating in the government and administration of the colony Lewis. One of the main tasks given to Italy by the UN mandate during the AFIS period was to remedy the lack of a system of secondary schooling, another consequence of the Italian colonial legacy.
From onward, secondary and postsecondary institutions were created in order to fulfill this goal, while a few selected Somali youth were chosen to travel to Italy for a university education. Moreover, the impact made by widespread and pro- tracted colonial resistance and anticolonial wars, as experienced, for instance, by Britain during the Mau-Mau Rebellion —60 and by France during the Alge- rian Revolution —62 , had no equivalent in Italy.
These factors prevented Italian society from processing the meaning and import of the colonial experience, thus deferring the development of a postcolonial consciousness. With the complicity of the media and the cultural establishment, Italian civil society has until recently been kept in ignorance with regard to its colonial past, as this part of Italian his- tory has been absent from school textbooks and from the general public domain.
It is important to add a more recent phase to this periodization, one in which Italy finally witnesses the consolidation of a shared postcolonial memory emerg- ing from literary and cultural works by writers and intellectuals from both Italy and the formerly colonized countries.
Writing the memory of the colonial archive in literary form has been predominantly a female project, and its preferred genres have been the memoir and other kinds of autobiographical writing. These texts all adopt vividly exoticized colonial settings shrouded in nostalgic and quasi-elegiac atmospheres where their for the most part male protagonists reen- act major events of colonial history in Camilleri and Lucarelli , or imagine a differ- ent postcolonial future in Brizzi.
Yet the parodic mimesis of the colonial past is more redemptive than critical; salvaged from oblivion, its memory is rescued less for the sake of ironic distance than for its aesthetic and sensual enjoyment. Romanzo Meticcio Timira: A Meticcio Novel; , in which the protagonist this time is a black Italian woman, Isabella Marincola, and her point of view is placed within a historical framework as the novel combines personal memory, archival material, and fiction.
Immigration and Postcolonial Consciousness Without ceasing to be an emigrant nation,18 in the s, Italy became a desti- nation for global migrations. During the Cold War and the polarization of Europe by the Iron Curtain —91 Italy, under the leadership of the Christian Democrats, positioned itself on the side of Western liberal democracies. By the end of the s, Italy had one of the most diverse immigrant popu- lations in Europe, with migrants from Europe, North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, China, and Southeast Asia, a heterogeneity that creates possibilities and challenges for a diverse type of multiculturalism, as Russell King observes.
It also creates distinct possibilities. On the other, its critique has made possible the sharing of a sense of belonging for postcolonial migrants of diverse origin. For this reason, our understanding of Italian postcolonialism in the present volume emphasizes that the postnational, migratory dimension is an essential component of the postcolonial condition in Italy. Migrants to Italy both from former Italian colonies and from other formerly colonized territories are today articulating the shifts of meaning in the processes of signification that subtend postcoloniality.
Central to this process is the shift from the historical categories of racism to a new conceptualization of blackness that invests the very idea of Italianness. The work of writers such as Pap Khouma and Igiaba Scego, of Senega- lese and Somali origins respectively, exposes the sense of uneasiness generated for white Italians by the association of blackness with Italianness. These terms are often conceived as incompatible, and therefore, mutually exclusive see Romeo in this volume.
Postcolonial writ- ing in Italy is often haunted by the denial of political and cultural citizenship, as the legal principle for its acquisition is still caught in the ambiguity of racialist and biologist definitions of Italianness.
In ways similar to those pursued by Said and others with regard to the British literary and cultural canon, a postcolonial critique of Italian cultural modernity reveals the complic- ity of the national culture with imperialism. The English novel, Said states, had no real European equivalent precisely because its position mir- rored the unquestionable strength of the British empire.
Postcolonial Studies in Italy Postcolonial studies in Italy is a recent scholarly phenomenon set in motion pre- dominantly in departments of English and American studies through the pub- lication of path-breaking edited collections and monographs from the end of the s onward Chambers and Curti ; Albertazzi ; Mellino These translations had the great merit of introducing postcolonial theory and literature to Italian academicians working outside English and American studies departments and to the general public.
As a result, the idea that a postcolonial discourse had no reason to develop outside an Anglophone environment was reinforced, by implying that in Italy there was no postcolonial condition to speak of. Significantly, during the same period Italian critics—some of whom were operating on both sides of the Atlantic—were focusing on the study of migrations to Italy Parati , ; Gnisci , , At the same time, these studies examined the legacy of Italian colonial history, its political implications, and the insufficiently studied cultural production of Italian colonial societies.
The year saw the publication of two volumes Ponzanesi; Morosetti that marked a turning point in Italian postcolonial studies. At the same time, it casts light on the intersection of postcolonial theory with feminist theory by analyzing how gender complicates postcolonial power relations.
Different trajectories of analysis and research developed around the same time and contributed directly or indirectly to an in-depth analysis of the Italian post- colonial condition. In the field of migration literature and film, Jennifer Burns and Loredana Polezzi identify international emigration and immigration, as well as intranational migrations, as crucial moments in the process of forming an Italian national identity and culture Graziella Parati employs a cultural studies approach to examine multicultural Italian society at present along with its literary production Parati ; Orton and Parati Daniele Comberiati b explores migration literature in Italy from to , structuring his analysis around the geographical origins of the authors and the cultural influences that such origins bring to bear on the literature they produce; he also devotes a chapter to the postcolonial relationship between Italy and Albania and to post- colonial Albanian Italian literature.
Although these volumes focus on migrations to Italy and they address the Ital- ian postcolonial condition to some extent, at present a postcolonial theoretical frame is not consistently employed in the analysis of Italian literary and cultural production. This critical discourse provides a reflection on the position of Italy and Italian identity within a new European and global scenario in relation to the Mediterra- nean Sea—its history as a geopolitical unity, the colonial legacy, and the impor- tance that it holds for contemporary transnational migrants Chambers An important sign of the general interest in the critical methodology of post- colonial studies in Italy is evident in the publication of an introductory volume intended as an academic textbook for a nonspecialized audience Bassi and Sirotti This collection of essays has the great merit of bringing together scholars who work in this field in Italy and of clarifying central issues and theoretical ques- tions posed by postcolonial studies around the world.
Yet since an analysis of cul- tural production in Italy is confined to the last chapter, the volume also reinforces the notion that these studies are disconnected from—or only partially connected to—Italy itself.
Much work still remains to be done in the field of Italian postcolo- nial studies; it is important to acknowledge nonetheless that many useful interven- tions have emerged in recent years that have laid the ground for a deeper and more comprehensive understanding of postcolonial Italy. Methodology and Scope Our volume adopts a combination of critical methodologies that weave together postcolonial studies and cultural studies, race theory, and gender studies.
In our understanding, race is constructed at the intersection of different categories of analysis such as gender, class, sexuality, religion, nationality, and citizenship and, in turn, racism intersects with other forms of discrimination, such as social exclusion, sexism, xenophobia, religious intolerance, economic exploitation, and legal discrimination. In the United States and Britain, race and racism are fields of scholarly research that have institutional and academic visibility and are rap- idly changing to encompass a broader range of critical perspectives and disciplin- ary realms, including queer theory and whiteness studies.
This is less the case in continental Europe. Influential sociological works, with few exceptions,30 first linked the rise of rac- ism in contemporary Italy to the arrival of immigrants and the implementation of restrictive immigration policies Balbo and Manconi , Reflections on Ital- ian whiteness have been strongly influenced by studies on the racialization of Ital- ian immigrants in the United States Orsi ; Vecoli ; Thomas Guglielmo ; Jennifer Guglielmo and Salvatore Salerno Despite the proliferation of such interventions, race studies in Italy still has no institutional existence or academic visibility.
For decades, Italian gender studies has not embraced intersectionality to any significant extent, and when it has, it has not applied this methodology to the Italian context.
As a result, different categories of oppression have often been examined independently of one another, which in turn has weakened the analysis of all categories of oppression, including gender. Feminist scholars working both in Italy and abroad have explored the relationship between Italian feminism and migrant women as well as the intersection of race, whiteness, and gender in Italy Pojmann ; Merrill ; Giuliani ; Mar- chetti ; they have highlighted the conjunction of feminist studies and postco- lonial studies Demaria ; Curti ; Romeo ; they have probed issues of globalization and migration in relation to discourses of ethnicity Campani , labor, and precariousness Bertilotti et al.
Structure and Chapters The chapters that follow are organized into four sections. The structure and orga- nization of the volume reflect the methodologies employed. Rather than subdivid- ing the book along the lines of disciplinary approach or medium of production, we identify important junctions, contact zones, and convergences among method- ologies and disciplinary perspectives. His essay serves nonetheless to remind us of the ways in which various elements within the Italian Left offered material and symbolic support to anticolonial struggles around the world from the end of World War II through the s.
This is enacted through the creation of affiliations with other postcolo- nial and global contexts, while at the same time looking diachronically at Italian history and culture as founded on phenomena such as transatlantic and trans- Mediterranean emigration, the racialization of southern Italians, and contempo- rary immigration. Both Sandro Mezzadra and Miguel Mellino scrutinize the Ital- ian postcolonial condition through a combination of approaches that privilege political theory and cultural analysis, focusing on racism as the vantage point from which their chapters are developed.
Mezzadra emphasizes how contemporary rac- ism is enforced through a new migratory regime, that is, a form of governability that implements new mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion through a recon- figuration of space, mobility, and labor. Mellino analyzes postcolonial Italy from the perspective of four basic points of departure: colonialism, the Southern Question, immigration and its associated cultures, and a denationalized neoliberal economy founded on the globalization of both capital and racism.
Sandra Ponzanesi contextualizes Italian postcolonialism within a European perspective through an analysis of the postco- lonial condition in different countries and reflects on the construction of a Euro- pean identity in light of the common, silenced past of colonialism, a commonality that contributes to the structure of European contemporary societies. Derobertis high- lights the connection between the subaltern position of Italian southern peasants and the resulting pattern of massive emigration and that of colonized subjects in Italian East Africa.
He further analyzes how global capitalism has created new forms of exploitation in the rural South, where recent illegal migrants have now taken up the position in the social hierarchy previously occupied by peasants. The chapters included here prompt the reader to consider the dynamics of interracial encounters and to interrogate what these intimacies pro- duce in contemporary life and culture. Cristina Lombardi-Diop opens the section with an interpretation of postcolonial Italy as a postracial society where dis- courses around race are most often diffused and deflected.
Through the advertising market, the idea of hygiene and whiteness infiltrated postwar Italian popular culture and reached contemporary Italy, where the normativity of Italian whiteness affirms itself silently and yet most potently. Caterina Romeo examines how African Italian postcolonial writers defy the lack of critical acknowledgment of race and racism by deploying blackness as a critical and theoretical tool and defin- ing it as an inherent part of their Italian national identity.
Her chapter extends its analysis to the ways in which postcolonial women writers represent the difficult relations between black and white women in Italy, thus questioning the notion of global sisterhood. Alessandro Jedlowski opens this section with a chap- ter that examines the emerging phenomenon of Nollywood films in Italy, most of which are produced, distributed, and consumed within Italy but are not aimed at Italian nationals. Their cinematic aesthetics enacts an unprecedented de-centering of the paradigm of national cinema.
Through her analysis of the work of filmmak- ers Haile Gerima and Isaac Julien, Shelleen Greene emphasizes the epistemic and aesthetic gap between official versions of colonial history and these contemporary counter-narratives, which posit continuity rather than separation between the his- tory of Italy and Africa.
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Nicola Labanca divides Italian migrations to Africa into three groups Oltremare —75 : colonial emigration proper; migration to Mediterranean countries such as Tunisia, Egypt, and French Algeria, former Roman colonies with which Italy had maintained a precolonial relationship; and migration to sub-Saharan Africa. Labanca points out that in there were Italian civilians in Eritrea and fewer in Somalia Oltremare Libya immediately attracted a larger number of Italians; however, in the early s there were approximately 17, Italian civilians in the country, a small number in comparison with the 80, Italian residents in Tunisia at the turn of the century.
For a fruitful analysis of Italian Orientalism as an important strain of European thought also see Dainotto, Europe In Theory , — For a discussion of colonial migrations, the guest worker system, and permanent migrations to Europe in the postwar period, see Castles and Miller, 68— Migrations between Italy and the Horn of Africa between and , though sparse, took opposite directions.
As a consequence of the Italian defeats on the Afri- can front, by the end of the s, more than two hundred thousand Italian refugees arrived in Italy from Libya, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia, while between and , in a countermovement of colonial subjects, those who had been arrested and detained in Italy during the Fascist regime, returned home to Ethiopia.
For further details see Del Boca, Nostalgia. Igiaba Scego is one of the most prolific and visible postcolonial writers in contemporary Italy. The partnership between Italy and Somalia continued after the proclamation of the independent Republic of Somalia in During the s and s, Somalia saw rampant corruption among its political leaders and in government administration, as well as violent political instability.
Meanwhile, Italy continued to be one of the main donors of financial aid and, in the course of the s, became one of the main provid- ers of weapons and ammunitions.
The news of the killing of fifty-four Italian civilians that occurred in Mogadishu in January reached Italy only three days after the events and without much media exposure. Central to the fostering of the symbolic imaginary of Somali nationalism, this violent retaliation against Italians continues to have little resonance in postcolo- nial Italy Del Boca For the most comprehensive study of this event, see Calchi Novati See Rochat , Del Boca , and Labanca , b.
See von Henneberg and Triulzi for an illuminating reading of the link between colonial monuments and postcolonial memory. For biographical details and extensive interviews with these authors, see Comberiati As stated in the Rapporto italiani nel mondo , it is not entirely possible to determine how many Italians live abroad and how many emigrate each year. The enrollment to AIRE, however, is elective, and therefore the figure is not entirely representative On Italian multiculturalism, see Grillo and Pratt As of December 31, , there were 4,, foreign residents in Italy, constituting 7.
Eritrea occupies the thirty-ninth position 13, , Ethiopia the forty-ninth 8, , Somalia the fiftieth 8, , and Libya the ninety-fourth 1, For the nexus colonialism-nationalism in relation to Italian modernity see Ben-Ghiat Fascist Modernities.
On colonial novels written during the Fascist period by both male and female authors, see Lombardi-Diop Writing , Bonavita and, more recently, Venturini. More recently, publishing houses such as Ombre orte based in Verona and Derive- Approdi based in Rome have produced texts directly related to postcolonialism or linked to postcolonial discourse.
The journal Studi culturali has made a significant contribution to the field of postcolonial studies in Italy, publishing new scholarship as well as classic texts with a marked focus on issues of gender, race, ethnicity, and citizen- ship in postcolonial and multicultural contexts. Scritture migranti. Rivista di scambi interculturali, a journal published by the Italian department of the University of Bolo- gna, focuses on cultural production associated with migrations, transcultural move- ments, and the postcolonial condition of contemporary Italy.
The journal Zapruder. Dinamiche coloniali e post-coloniali and Brava gente. Memoria e rappresentazioni del colonialismo italiano While in the United States these studies were inaugurated as an extension of the field of Italian studies, in Italy they began in comparative literature programs. This testifies to the reluctance of the field of Italianistica in Italy to consider migration and post- colonial literatures and cultures as part of Italian culture at large and to the continu- ous attempt, still pervasive in numerous Italian departments, to protect the notion of national culture by characterizing this production as non-Italian.
The second volume was published in Italy first and then in the United States Matteo , but it is part of the work done by Italian scholars abroad.
For a reading of colonial and postcolonial texts in Italian literature, see also Fracassa. The first issue of the academic online journal California Italian Studies, published in , is entirely dedicated to Italy and the Mediterranean. See Fogu and Re. The path-breaking volume Nel nome della razza.
Young Similarly dispersed, porous, and commingled is private life. What distinguishes Naples from other large cities is something it has in common with the African kraal: each private attitude or act is permeated by streams of communal life. To exist—for the Northern European the most private of affairs—is here, as in the kraal, a collective matter. Just as the living room reappears on the street, with chairs, hearth, and altar, so—only much more loudly—the street migrates into the living room.
The different European absorptions of and responses to the postcolonial are an example of the kind of heterogeneity which is often invoked in postcolonial discourse itself. What different, interrelated cultures, the cultures of old imperial Europe after all, have made of the postcolonial is itself a subject of historical inter- est for postcolonial critics. The variety is enormous, but there have, I think, been three main reactions, and none of them has reduplicated the forms of the post- colonial in India, Britain, or the United States which are themselves in turn all distinct.
YOUNG there is currently scant reflection on Spain as an imperial power or of the appall- ing history of the Spanish invasion of the new world. Given that they lost most of their empire successively roughly a hundred and two hundred circa years ago, perhaps it is not surprising that Spain is not riven by postcolonial guilt or melancholia.
France too remains largely in denial of its colonial past. Those for whom those issues were central—Bourdieu, Derrida—have gone. That together with a fierce resistance to interdisciplinarity means that in France the academic area which could be designated as postcolonial studies, whether Fran- cophone or Anglophone, actually involves something more like an old Common- wealth literature approach, focusing narrowly on the work of individual writers around the world.
Italy, on the other hand, is developing in a completely different direction, and one which is altogether the most interesting among what is happening in this field anywhere in Europe, Britain included. In the first place, Italy still has a living cul- ture of the socialist and anarchist left and remains haunted by the continued long- term effects of the political turmoil of the s.
In the second place, it has been producing some of the most dynamic work in political theory—Giorgio Agamben and Antonio Negri are themselves testimony to that. In the third place, its posi- tion in the front line of the migration flows from Albania, Eastern Europe, North Africa, Latin America, and South Asia—witness the frequent publicity surround- ing the arrival of boatloads of illegal migrants on the tiny island of Lampedusa, just a hundred kilometers from the Tunisian coast—means that the twenty-first century has witnessed the transformation of Italian cities, an explosion of inter- est in issues of migration and multicultural matters, and the production of new writing by African and other migrants to Italy.
The street migrates into the living room. Fourthly, a productive environment exists for the analysis of these develop- ments, given that Italy was the European country perhaps most sympathetic to the anticolonial movements after World War II. This link goes back much further to the fact that the Italian Risorgimento was itself—and seen as such round the world—the first major national anticolonial struggle in modern times.
In the centre of Havana, for example, stands a statue of Garibaldi. This legacy remains evident in the work of Antonio Gramsci and accounts for the fact that he was the only major European Marxist thinker for whom anticolonialism formed a major part of the political struggle. It seems to have been the combination of these factors that has led to an extraordinarily serious, political, and committed response to the postcolonial in Italy by intellectuals such as Sandro Mezzadra, Federico Rahola, Carla Pasquinelli, Iain Chambers, Miguel Mellino, Cristina Lombardi-Diop, and many others.
What is particularly noticeable about this formation in Italy is that this interest in the postcolonial has far more often emerged in departments of anthropology and sociology than in literature, and in a complementary way, it is striking that many of the books in this area in Italian have been published by the remarkable publishing house Meltemi, run by Luisa Capelli, a former Partito Comunista Italiano PCI; Italian Communist Party activist, whose list, centered in anthropology and sociology, has shown itself to be particularly alert to what is going on outside Italy intellectually and politically as well as to the most interest- ing areas that are developing within the country, despite or perhaps because of the ossified institutional state of the Italian academy.
And so it was that I found myself dragging my colleague Emily Apter late one stormy afternoon, down past the Colosseo and the Foro to the charmingly named Via delle Botteghe Oscure, to look at the old headquarters of the PCI.
Typical, she said, that of all the sights of Rome, this is the one you want to see. When we found it, by that time in the middle of a revolutionary thunderstorm, it proved to be a vast building that could not be described as anything other than a pukka palazzo, the staggering size of which made me realize how the PCI could so easily have generously offered the Algerian National Liberation Front FLN a permanent office inside during the war of independence.
I wanted to see the communist palazzo not because of the PCI as such, but because it was there, at the FLN office somewhere deep inside that vast building built on a mass of colossal blocks of stone, that Frantz Fanon used to stay on his frequent visits to Rome it was in Rome that the French Secret Service almost succeeded in assassinating Fanon by blowing him up with a car bomb.
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